The Good Life, No. 8: Heroes

Rose Friedman was once described as “equal parts velvet and steel.” At once her husband’s wife and colleague, Rose was never the great woman behind a great man. She noted in a 1999 interview that “I’ve always felt that I’m responsible for at least half of what he’s gotten.”  From co-authoring three of his most influential works to providing the impetus for such ambitious projects as their television series and nonprofit foundation, Rose Director Friedman can rightfully be called Milton’s partner.

An influential economist in her own right, Rose greatly influenced Milton’s economic thought. “It was an extremely close intellectual fellowship, and she was not someone who got credit for things she didn’t do,” Milton’s student Gary Becker observes. “They discussed ideas constantly.” Another longtime friend of the couple remarks that, for Milton, Rose’s opinion was “the ultimate test.” Friedman eagerly sought his wife’s point of view when developing his own, and openly admitted that she was the only person who had ever won an argument with him. This intellectual equality rendered their professional collaboration a very natural one. Still, she said, “I was smart enough to know that he was smarter than me.” So while Milton focused his efforts on technical economics, Rose set out to bring their theory of freedom to the public.

In the early 1980s, PBS approached the couple about turning their co-written international best-seller Free to Choose into a television series. After convincing Milton to take on the project with her, Rose assumed the role of associate producer and was heavily involved in organizing the series, which achieved global success. Friends and relations also credit her with providing the inspiration for the Friedman Foundation. But while she is universally recognized as an expert economist with intelligence and drive, Rose is also remembered for the grace with which she balanced her roles as colleague and wife.

“She was a great lady, in every sense of the word,” an acquaintance recalls. Outspoken yet polite, patient yet uncompromising, Rose stepped confidently — never aggressively — into her husband’s spotlight and quickly bowed out again when appropriate. She complemented Milton, earning the admiration of her peers and setting a tremendous example of feminine strength, courage and love.

These virtues helped to sustain the Friedmans through an arduous fight for freedom. When they entered academia, the field was virtually void of principled conservatives. Their work reintroduced classical liberalism as a valid and critically important body of thought with the power to revolutionize society as well as the academy. Milton and Rose changed the world together, leaving a legacy that will flourish for generations to come.

The Good Life, No. 7: Good

The word “good” doesn’t mean “pleasant.” It’s not a synonym for “delicious” or “talented,” and should never be preceded by the words “really,” “pretty” or “super.” Commitment to an idea necessitates a complete grasp of that idea’s magnitude. But no one can fully comprehend a concept that is not communicated with precision. “Good” furnishes us with an excellent example of this principle.

I suppose I ought to pause and qualify my opening statement, because these days “good” actually has come to denote “pleasant,” “delicious” and “talented,” and can therefore be modified using words like “really.” But this nonchalance robs “good” of its richness, of its gravity, of the fullness of its implications. Everyone understands the casual “good” when it is reduced to “likeable” – a shallow, subjective term to apply to anything pleasing. Rarely, however, does “good” enter the conversation in terms of “the Good,” or to indicate conformity to an objective  standard of excellence. Let me illustrate the distinction.

When a carpenter considers his newest table, he doesn’t sit back and exclaim, “Hey, that’s pretty good!” This would smack of self-congratulation, and would do more to communicate his reaction rather than to describe his work. Rather, he  nods, gives it a thump, and says simply, “Good.” He can call it that not because it pleases him in some subjective way, but because the table has met an objective standard and therefore has goodness.

This begs the question, “What is goodness?” Our reason replies that this common noun refers to a certain desirable quality that every human person inherently understands. And then we immediately grasp the gravity of the situation. If to call something good is to say that it has goodness, which is to link it to an eternal transcendent principle, then we realize that this is not a word we may speak lightly. Certainly we can and ought to use it, but, realizing now what it means, we apply it with greater care because we can suddenly see its implications. These implications include the responsibility we have for the proper use of the word.

If what I have said is true, then it points to a broader principle of precision in language that carries with it an obligation. We are responsible for every word, for protecting from corruption these greatest products of our God-given reason. Imagine what might happen if we took responsibility for the word “liberal.” Reestablishing the fundamental meaning of this word (līberālis: of freedom), for example, would completely renovate our political landscape.

The bottom line is this: our ability to build a language allows us to build societies around a discussion about what it means to live well and to hold one another accountable within them. The development of the common noun means that we can share a conception of morality and reinforce it. Without language, this would be impossible. And it is my argument that to allow language to decay is to allow society and morality to decay.

Talk to Me: What do you think about the connection between language and morality? How do you perceive technology to play into the discussion?

The Good Life, No. 5: Change

There’s a bright spot of opportunity on the horizon, but how conservatives approach it will determine whether it turns out to be a supernova of social change or merely the mirage of what could have been. The 2012 presidential election draws steadily closer, cutting its way to the front of our minds through a frenzy of scandal, speculation and sensationalism. But while candidates and commentators scramble to keep up, Americans everywhere are still trying to break with  apathy.

The apathy epidemic is likely due to disillusionment with the current administration and ubiquitous bad news. It manifests itself in widespread, self-imposed ignorance of current events (“I never read the news — it’s too depressing”), politics (“I’m above politics,” or ” I just can’t stand those dirty politicians”), and individual responsibilities (“Doesn’t the mayor/pastor/neighbor take care of that? Leave it to him”). Responsibility to a society that exhausts, marginalizes or frustrates its members becomes a burden, and so citizens turn inwards to increasingly private, individualistic lifestyles. From here, the candidate that promises to shoulder this burden becomes increasingly attractive. And, lucky for him, you do not care to know what the negative consequences of his policies could be.

Conservatives, I am talking to you! Do not succumb to the temptation to give up that years-old debate with your left-leaning cousin, to sleep in on election day (especially local ones!), or to let your subscription to the Wall Street Journal expire. We need, as a friend blessedly reminded me, to view these distressing circumstances as motivation for action, rather than an excuse to go do other things. A presidential election provides us with the much-needed opportunity to refresh our dedication to our principles and to vault them to prominence as  the beautiful remedy for rampant radical egalitarianism’s destruction.

Let me encourage you the way my friend encouraged me. Our beliefs are convictions, but, more than that, they are truths. Whether inspired by Scripture, history, or econometric models, lovers of liberty champion freedom knowing that such freedom is the key to sustainable governance, and, moreover, that liberty is the only creed worthy of a human person. Humans have shown ourselves to be great, to be geniuses and heroes and true friends. We have shown ourselves to be capable of the responsibility which accompanies the liberty we surrender so easily today. Now, when the hallmarks of our humanity are dimmed by something that smacks very much of socialism, we cannot afford to turn down the path of least resistance.

You already know what to do: read the news, hold your representatives accountable, accept that government’s operations are enumerated and limited and behave (read: vote) accordingly. Go to church. Reflect on what it means to be a human person, a citizen, a member of a community. Be inspired. Get motivated. Help your neighbor. Help yourself, for that matter — do not give the government another excuse to step in. Then spread the good news! Cultures cannot change before people do, and people are more likely to change for someone they trust and respect. Unless you are completely satisfied with the state of the Union, there is nothing better you could be doing.

Talk to Me: Are you feeling apathetic? Why? What inspires you to snap out of it, and what will you change when you do?

The Good Life, No. 4: Love

Ultimately, political and economic conservatives are concerned with liberty. Each of the planks in the freedom-loving platform is directed at the things Americans need to protect it: lower taxes, less regulation, fewer government programs, reformed legislation. We’re consumed by this struggle — maybe rightfully so, but then again, maybe not. The response to that statement depends entirely upon what we use our freedom for.

Pope John Paul II in a prison cell, forgiving the man who made an attempt on his life

“Freedom,” John Paul the Great wrote, “exists for the sake of love.” Love, caritas, is the greatest of those things that abide, those permanent gifts that are also hallmarks of our humanity. So when attempts are made on our freedom to love, we ought to react strongly.

This is the ethical problem with the welfare state: Someone, somewhere has decided that removing someone’s wealth by force is justifiable, simply because a need exists elsewhere. However, legislating morality only discourages the generosity it attempts to impose. When my wealth is taxed away to support a stranger, I’m more likely to shrug my shoulders when I see someone in need and to assume the government will address that need, even though I might otherwise have donated freely.

And thus the government has effectively stamped out my opportunity — my freedom — to love. This is just one instance of the dehumanizing effects of coercion.

Talk to Me: What other hallmarks of our humanity can we bolster by escaping force?

The Good Life, No. 3: Will

This post is part of a new series which explores the freedom-loving mindset and the pursuit of a classically liberal lifestyle in Michigan. Comments are welcome.

I was greeted this morning by a CEI memo regarding individual liberty and National Donut Day … And now, happily sugar-buzzed, I have the energy to tackle an issue that’s at the heart of what The Good Life is about: living. And not just living, but living well. Living an examined life. Thriving. I’ve stacks of notes from  political philosophy classes in which everyone from Plato and  Xenophon to Hobbes,  Machiavelli and Bloom investigate what it takes to get there, but they all start from the same assumption; namely, that one has to have the will to undertake the necessary steps to begin to live well.

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The Good Life, No. 2: (Self) Government

This post is part of a new series which explores the freedom-loving mindset and the pursuit of a classically liberal lifestyle in Michigan. Comments are welcome.

“Government is not reason, is not eloquence – it is force.”

These words, usually attributed to George Washington, succinctly describe a libertarian attitude towards that entity whose use of coercion is legal and legitimate, but today, I’m thinking about them more in terms of how one might apply them to himself. Continue reading

The Good Life, No. 1: Gratitude

This post is part of a new series which explores the freedom-loving mindset and the pursuit of a classically liberal lifestyle in Michigan. Comments are welcome. 

I’ve been learning a lot about gratitude recently, and in a particular way from two  of conservatives’favorite books, Hannah Coulter and Love and Responsibility. Both of these books discuss giving thanks and the importance of doing so. This message resonates a little more today, given that we observed Memorial Day yesterday.

Horton Camp, Michigan

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Taxes and Terrorism

John Hancock is perhaps best known for his bold flourish of a signature on our Declaration of Independence. But not all of his bravery was applied toward objectively noble ends.  In addition to his general refusal to pay taxes, Hancock smuggled cheap sugar and 1.5 million gallons of molasses per year from the French West Indies to his home in the North American colonies – costing the British empire more than 36,000 pounds annually.

The goods were legal, so Hancock is often fondly remembered for his fearlessness in providing these commodities at a time when a brutal monarch’s taxes rendered them so expensive. Today, cash-strapped Michigan provides job security for a new generation of smugglers by taxing the butt off cigarettes and tobacco products. But we’re not learning from history, here. What were the implications of Hancock’s audacity? His actions strengthened the nation which later took premeditated action against a country they didn’t like. What are the implications for today’s John Hancock? Who among the smugglers roaming the streets today is the strengthening another system -  who will play cat-and-mouse here in order to strengthen a nation preparing to move against us? Continue reading

About RTW

by Kahryn Rombach, 2008 MCPP Intern

One of the reforms that the MCPP urges be made to Michigan public policy is the enactment of Right to Work (RTW) legislation. RTW prohibits the types of agreements between unions and employers which make union membership (or financial support of the union) a prerequisite to employment with that establishment.

Until the late 1940′s, businesses associated under the National Labor Relations Act struck then-legal “closed shop” agreements in which union membership was a condition of employment for all. Under these arrangements, an employee who left the union for any reason (from refusal to pay dues to involuntary expulsion from the union as a form of punishment) also lost his job, even if he had not violated any of his employer’s rules. Continue reading

“Please, sir, may I have some more?”

by Kahryn Rombach, 2008 MCPP Intern

Do you know where each of your tax dollars go? Residents of a small Northern Michigan town do, and they’re offering to pay more. After the city manager and mayor formed a caucus of fifteen citizens to review the city’s budget and suggest potential cuts, these men and women decided that their dollars were being put to good use and ultimately opted to raise their own taxes. This speaks volumes about the way interaction between citizen and government has changed since America’s founding – it would appear that either the government is now capable of providing the masses what they really want or that laziness has in fact won out and first principals have been abandoned. So when the Founders’intent and the guiding lights they left are forsaken for easy, blind acceptance of government micromanagement, who can protect the people from themselves?

Thought-Provoking

Realizing that the power to tax is the power to destroy, and that the power to take a certain amount of property or income is only another way of saying that for a certain proportion of his time a citizen must work for the government, the authority to impose a tax upon the people must be carefully guarded. It condemns the citizen to servitude.

Calvin Coolidge – 1924

I stare at this quote an average of three and a half minutes each day while I wait for the microwave to nuke my lunch or coffee, and it got me thinking. Who supports taxation?

I still don’t understand – even after reading about how taxes are sexy. To make things more confusing, I’m the well-educated product of a public school system, and I really appreciate the new sidewalks and stop signs that just went up at the end of my street. But the government’s regulation of the amount of water in my toilet is unconstitutional, and even the easy-target sin taxes are indirectly causing situations beginning to resemble government-subsidized terrorism. 

Guess I’ll have to rethink those sidewalks.

Kahryn Rombach – MCPP Intern, Summer 08

An unexpected question

“How do you feel about capitalism?” a friend asked. I was a bit taken aback. I’m a red-blooded American citizen – how did he think I felt about capitalism? I responded with a solid, Lockean answer: that I believed that whatever a person made with their own toil, sweat, and tears is and ought to be their uncontested property.

 “But what about communism?” he wanted to know. I had to lay aside my conditioned negative reaction to consider the question.

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